The Great Magnet, the Earth |
Commemorating the 400th anniversary of "De Magnete" by William Gilbert of Colchester |
New! Mr Jesus Mendez of Algorta, near Bilbao, has produced a Spanish translation of this site. You can reach the Spanish home page here.
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(Best viewed in font #14, but print in #10 or #12)
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If you lived in London in 1600, you could have purchased "De Magnete" for seven shillings and sixpence. To read it, of course, you would have to know Latin, the language of science in 1600. You might have had the rare privilege of attending first runs of Shakespeare's plays in the "Globe" theatre--sitting in the balcony if you could afford it, standing in front of the stage if not. However, you might have had to weigh this pleasure against the peril of bubonic plague, which usually spread in the city during summer months.
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This web site tells the story of Gilbert and his book--with glimpses of London in 1600, and with studies of magnetism before Gilbert. It then recounts the later history of the Earth's magnetism, including... |
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An Index to the Web Site
Another review of "De Magnete" (By Stuart Malin and David Barraclough in Eos of 23 May, 2000). More about "De Magnete" Performing Gilbert's Experiment on Induced Magnetism What was known in Gilbert's Time London in 1600
Magnetism from Gilbert to 1820
The Dynamo Process Of Special Interest to Science Teachers
Teaching Geomagnetism in an Earth Sciences Class , a short article submitted to "The Physics Teacher" with suggestions on using this material in schools. Teaching about the Earth's Magnetism in Earth Sciences, a one-hour illustrated talk given by the author 18 November 2000 before the regional meeting of the National Association of Science teachers (NSTA). For faster loading, this document is divided into 3 parts. Go to Part 2 Go to Part 3 Note: If you liked what you found here, you might want to look up other (much larger!) web sites by the same author, on magnetism in space and on spaceflight and astronomy: |
Happy Exploring!
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"De Magnete" |
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"If I had seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of Giants" Newton to Hooke, 1676 |
He started by reading and examining all existing literature, finding rather little of value. Next he designed and performed his own experiments, not just on magnetic forces but also on "electrick" ones (his term), feeling the two were somewhat related. His studies involved both naturally found magnets--"loadstones" or "lodestones"--and artificially magnetized iron. He also fully understood induced magnetism, the fact that a piece of non-magnetic iron temporarily took on all properties of a permanent magnet when placed next to one.
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He then observed that when a small compass needle ("versorium") was moved about the surface of a spherical magnet, it faithfully reproduced the behavior of the compass needle. Not only did the needle point poleward when constrained to a "horizontal" plane tangential to the sphere: it also slanted downwards at an angle (see illustration above) when pivoted on a horizontal axis, reproducing the "magnetic dip" discovered in 1581 by Robert Norman. Gilbert's experiments with his spherical "terrella" ("little Earth") convinced him of what became his chief discovery. The mysterious directionality of the compass needle, he proposed, came about because the Earth itself was a giant magnet.
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"De Magnete" was written in Latin, but two excellent translations exist, that of Paul Fleury Mottelay (1893) which is still in print (Dover Books, $13.95) and a more sumptuous one by Silvanus Thompson (1900), the source of the passages quoted here. Even translated, the book is a challenge, with obtuse phrasing and paragraphs that stretch for pages. Yet through it all we can see the author struggling with his material, trying to impose some sense, some logical pattern on puzzling and contradictory statements and observations. This is science in its rawest state: Newton may have stood "on the shoulders of giants," but Gilbert had to build his understanding from the ground up. |
Gilbert was a perceptive observer, but that often was not enough. He noticed that moisture disrupted static electricity (e.g. from moist breath)--but a coating of oil did not, and droplets of water were themselves attracted by electric forces. He observed that magnetic forces persisted across a flame--but that magnetic iron lost its power when raised to red heat. What did it all mean, he may well have wondered? Once answers are known, you can never again recapture the fog of ignorance, the frustration of not knowing, of not being able to see a clear connection. Reading "De Magnete" is perhaps the closest we can ever come to reliving that experience. Gilbert accurately noted that cast iron was feebly magnetic, and that long iron rods had magnetic poles at their ends. Why? How? It is easy for us to nod sagely and say yes, the iron captured the surrounding magnetic field of the Earth as it cooled past the Curie point, and those field lines were channeled by its elongated shape, creating a concentrated effect at its ends. But this is now, and that was then. Not all of Gilbert's claims have stood the test of time. Gilbert believed that the Earth's magnetism and its rotation had a common cause: the fact that magnetic north and astronomical north were so near to each other seemed too much of a coincidence. Though pure guesswork, utterly discounted now, that idea did enjoy a brief revival of sorts in the mid-1900s, due to P.M. Blackett. Concerning the rotation of the Earth Gilbert never had any doubt. Others might have viewed the Earth as the center of creation, around which stars and other luminaries whirled, but not Gilbert, who calculated the implied velocities and found them incredibly large. Let us not forget, in this connection, that 1600 was also the year when Giordano Bruno was burned at the stake. Claims of the Earth's rotation had to be (at the very least) reconciled with religious dogma. Edward Wright, in his introduction, tried to do so in the following words:
If rotation and magnetism went together, how come the compass needle rarely pointed to true north, but exhibited a small "variation" (today called "declination")? Gilbert noted that in the northern Atlantic Ocean, the variation was always towards the nearer continent: towards Europe near Europe, towards American near America. He then ingeniously proposed that if the Earth were a perfect sphere, the two directions would always coincide. However, the Earth is not quite spherical: the Atlantic ocean forms a gash in its surface (water apparently contributes no magnetism), while Europe and Africa to its east and America to the west rise above the average surface and may add magnetic attraction.
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Moving the compass needle around the blemished terrella, Gilbert found his guess confirmed. Away from the pitted part, and also at the center of the pit, the "versorium" pointed towards the magnetic pole. However, near the edges of the depression, the direction of the needle (faintly visible in the drawing) veered towards the unblemished parts, just as the compass needle in the oceans close to Europe or America was deflected towards the nearby continents. Because dips and rises in the globe did not change (at least, on the scale of human history), he boldly predicted that the "variation" will stay unchanged:
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Unfortunately, even predictions based on experimental evidence may miss the mark. As Gellibrand discovered around 1634, the magnetic field constantly changes, which is why a new IGRF (International Geomagnetic Reference Field) must be calculated, from more recent observations, every decade or so. There is more, much more, often embellished in colorful phrases no modern editor would ever let slip by. How stilted does modern scientific prose sound, compared to Gilbert's words! Here, for instance is how he proposed to use the dip angle (his term is "declination") to deduce latitude at sea when the skies were obscured:
Gilbert even designed an instrument to measure the dip angle (click here for a drawing). In practice this method won't give latitude very accurately, but no matter. We now have the satellite-based global positioning system (GPS), rendering a much, much better service--but has anyone ever praised it in poetic language like the one Gilbert used? And those who nowadays believe in the holistic magic of magnetic bracelets may well heed Gilbert's advice
Our understanding of the Earth's magnetism, and of magnetism in general, has come a long way in the 400 years since "De Magnete" first saw light. One has to read the book--at least, parts of it--to realize how much clearer our view is now.
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For those who seek to know more (and have access to a an extensive library): The issue of 29 July 1944 of vol. 154 of Nature observed what was believed to be the 400th anniversary of the birth of William Gilbert with two detailed and scholarly articles about Gilbert and his accomplishments. Strongly recommended to anyone who wishes to pursue this subject at greater depth, they are: William Gilbert and the Science of his Time by Prof. Sydney Chapman. p. 132-136. William Gilbert: His Place in the Medical World by Sir Walter Langdon-Brown, p. 136-139.
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De Magnete |
by William Gilbert, ix+246 pp, 7/6 (37.5 p) in London; 2 Thaler in Frankfurt. Published by Peter Short, London, 1600. (As reviewed by Stuart Malin and David Barraclough in Eos, Transactions of the American Geophysical Union, vol 81, 23 May 2000, to mark the 400th anniversary of the book's publication.) |
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William Gilbert (1544-1603) was the eldest of Jerome Gilbert's eleven children: four from his first marriage and seven from a second. Confusingly these included a second William who, even more confusingly, erected a memorial tablet to "our" William, but with his year of birth erroneously given as 1540. The family lived in Colchester, some 50 miles NE of London, where Jerome held the prestigious post of Recorder. William received a gentleman's education at St John's College, Cambridge, where he remained for 11 years until 1569, acquiring bachelor's and master's degrees, qualification as a medical doctor and a Senior Fellowship. This was followed by a four-year "Grand Tour" of Europe, mostly spent in Italy, before he settled in London in 1573 to practice medicine. His medical career was spectacularly successful, culminating with presidency of the Royal College of Physicians in 1599 and appointment as physician to Queen Elizabeth I in 1601. The Queen died two years later, though no blame for this attaches to Gilbert, who continued to be Royal Physician (to James VI and I) until his own death by plague 8 months later. It is of interest to note that Mark Ridley, a slightly younger geomagnetician (and acquaintance of Gilbert's, whom he commended as the greatest discoverer in magnetical science), was also a royal physician - in his case to the Tsar of Muscovy, Boris Godunov. Gilbert's achievements as a doctor would have been enough to secure his fame, but he is remembered today for his investigations into magnetism and electricity, which he reported in De Magnete. These investigations were conducted from about 1581 to 1600, in parallel with his medical career. The experiments were made and discussed with like-minded friends who met in his house for this purpose; a pattern similar to that followed half a century later which led to the foundation of the Royal Society. Although magnetism was essentially a hobby, it was one that Gilbert, who never married, took very seriously and on which he expended large sums of money (£5000 according to William Harvey) for instruments and equipment. The book itself is a handsome production, well illustrated with woodcuts and various printing devices such as illuminated letters at the start of each chapter. Marginal asterisks, of two sizes, draw attention to points of particular importance. After an author's preface, by Gilbert, and an encomiastic preface, by Edward Wright, there are 115 chapters, sometimes of only one paragraph, arranged in 6 books. Edward Wright (1558?-1615) is famous for putting Mercator's projection on a sound mathematical footing. The book is not unlike a modern PhD thesis in layout, starting with a survey of previous work, moving on to experimental results, discussing these and setting them in the broader context of worldwide results, and ending with speculation and unsolved problems. The first book starts with an historical survey, then reviews the basic magnetic properties of a lodestone (poles, attraction and repulsion, magnetisation of iron) and ends with the famous chapter on the Earth itself being a great magnet. There is an interesting discussion of the medicinal properties of iron and lodestone, in which it is concluded that magnetism plays no part, since: "when drunk in a draught" [lodestone does not] "avail to attract or repel". In the second book a clear distinction is drawn between the attractive properties of magnets and rubbed amber: "for it pleases us to call that an electric force". Many magnetic and static-electric experiments are reported, including investigations of the effects of interposed material, shape of lodestone and the effect of "arming" the poles with iron caps. Much folklore is refuted, not least the possibility of a perpetual motion machine: "O that the gods would at length bring to a miserable end such fictitious, crazy, deformed labours, with which the minds of the studious are blinded! " Book three is concerned with the directive properties of a magnet, but also with details of the magnetisation of needles and the distribution of magnetism in a terrella (Gilbert's word for a spherical lodestone). The terrella experiments are of particular importance, since it was these that led Gilbert to draw the analogy between the magnetic field of the Earth and that of a terrella. This introduction to geomagnetism is developed in more detail in book 4 (on declination, which was then known as "variation") and book 5 (on dip, which Gilbert calls declination). The final book is more speculative. It concerns stellar and terrestrial motions, which Gilbert erroneously associates with magnetism and believes that this adds support to the Copernican theory. This was unacceptable to religious views at the time and many of the European copies of De Magnete have had Book 6 removed or defaced. Nevertheless, the idea of action at a distance for controlling the planetary motions was seminal for Hooke's and Newton's thoughts about gravity. But a mere list of its contents can give only a hint of the book. It is constantly necessary to remind oneself while reading it of just how early it is. Here is Baconian science, based on experiment and observation rather than hearsay, being practised twenty years before the publication of Bacon's Novum Organum. And, over a hundred years before it ceased to be an offence punishable by flogging for a British naval helmsman to have garlic on his breath for fear of demagnetising the ship's compass, De Magnete dismisses as "fable and falsehood" the idea that a lodestone smeared with garlic loses its power. All this at a time when it was heresy to set experiment against the teachings of the church; indeed, it was also in 1600 that the philosopher Giordano Bruno was burnt at the stake for heresy. Admittedly, things were more relaxed in England than in Italy, but it was still courageous, perhaps even foolhardy, to publish such a book. The quoted price of De Magnete may be a little misleading as, even without the benefit of this review, all four Latin editions, of 1600, 1628, 1633 and 1892 (a facsimile of the first edition) are sold out. While second-hand copies occasionally appear at auction, they are not cheap: a good first edition was recently (January 1998) sold for $15,000. The 1900 Chiswick Press edition in English (translated by Thompson) was limited to 250 copies and is now virtually unobtainable, but was reprinted in facsimile in 1958 by Basic Books, edited and with an introduction by Derek J. de Sola Price. A reprint of Mottelay's translation was published by Dover in 1958 and is still in print. Once the reader has got used to its inevitably archaic style, De Magnete is a surprisingly readable book. There is no need to commend it to historians of science as they will already have read it. But any geophysicist would not only benefit from, but also enjoy reading it.
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This paper is published with the approval of the Director, British Geological Survey (NERC). Stuart Malin, Bogaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey David Barraclough, British Geological Survey, Edinburgh, UK
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More about Gilbert's Work |
In addition of describing his own findings, Gilbert devoted long sections of his book to a critical examination of earlier writings about the magnet and the compass. For instance, he traced the claim that garlic robbed a magnet of its powers to "Plutarch and Claudius Ptolemy and all the copyists since their time," commenting "thus in philosophy many false and idle conjectures arise from fables and falsehoods."
In addition to studying magnets. Gilbert also looked into a vaguely similar phenomenon--the fact that certain materials, when lightly rubbed with cloth or fur, attracted light objects such as chaff. One such material was amber, a yellow fossilized resin called elektron by the ancient Greeks. From this Gilbert named such attraction the "electrick force," and from that came such words as electric charge, electricity, electrons and electronics. Gilbert even devised a pivoted lightweight needle--a "versorium" resembling a compass needle--to observe the direction of the electric force.
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The last of the 6 "books" into which Gilbert's work is divided deals with the motion of Earth in space and its possible connection to magnetism. Here Gilbert voiced complete support of Copernicus, "the Restorer of Astronomy," which made the book somewhat controversial. Galileo, who praised "De Magnete," obtained his copy of it as a gift from "a peripatetick philosopher of great fame, as I believe, to free his library of its contagion."
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Performing One of Gilbert's Experiments: |
Gilbert guessed, correctly, that near a permanent magnet such iron became a temporary magnet, of a polarity suitable for attraction. That is, the end of an iron bar stuck to an S pole of a magnet (south-seeking pole) temporarily becomes an N-pole. Because magnetic poles always come in matched pairs, the other end of the bar temporarily becomes an S-pole, and can in its turn attract more iron. You see this if you dip (say) a horseshoe magnet into a cup with iron pins. As expected. many pins will stick to the poles, but in addition, some more pins will stick to those pins. Yet when the pins are pulled loose, they all are seen to be non-magnetic again. Gilbert confirmed his guess of temporary ("induced") magnetism by an original experiment (see drawing). Using strings, he hung two parallel iron bars above the pole of a terrella, and noted that they repelled each other. Under the influence of the terrella, each became a temporary magnet with the same polarities, and the temporary poles of each bar repelled those of the other one. (By the way--can you find the same experiment portrayed on the front cover of "De Magnete"?)
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Hold the nail still until the hanging wire-bars stop moving and are a short distance apart (a few millimeters or 1/8"). Then carry them to hang above the pole of the magnet (see drawing). Gently lower them towards the magnet, and if all goes well, you should see them move apart to about 2-3 times the distance. It is not a large effect and, contrary to Gilbert's illustration above, the wire-bars stay parallel, they do not form an angle. When the wire-bars are removed, they slowly move together again and the experiment can be repeated |
What was known before Gilbert |
The ancient Greeks knew about lodestones (sometimes spelled loadstones), strange minerals with the power to attract iron. Some were found near the city of Magnesia in Asia Minor (now Turkey), and that city lent its name to all things magnetic. The early Chinese also knew about lodestones and about iron magnetized by them. Around the year 1000 they discovered that when a lodestone or an iron magnet was placed on a float in a bowl of water, is always pointed south. From this developed the magnetic compass, which quickly spread to the Arabs and from them to Europe. The compass helped ships navigate safely, even out of sight of land, even when clouds covered the stars. Compasses were also built into portable sundials, whose pointers had to face north to give the correct time. The nature of magnetism and the strange directional properties of the compass were a complete mystery. For instance, no garlic was allowed on board ships, in the mistaken belief that its pungent fumes caused the compass to malfunction. Columbus felt the compass needle was somehow attracted by the pole star, which maintained a fixed position in the northern sky while the rest of the heavens rotated around it.
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And second, the force on the needle was not horizontal but slanted downwards into the Earth. If a compass needle was balanced evenly on its pivot before being magnetized, then afterwards its north end would be pulled downwards, and a tip had to be snipped off to restore balance. This was studied by Robert Norman of London, England, who in 1581 published his finding in a book, The Newe Attractive.
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Gilbert's London |
The city was congested and unsanitary, and rats carrying bubonic plague thrived in it. Outbreaks usually ocurred in the summer, and at such time the royal court sometimes prudently retreated to the countryside. Physicians such as William Gilbert had their hands full, but they could do little and were unaware of the role of the rats. Gilbert, appointed royal physician in 1601, himself died of the plague in 1603. Shakespeare's creative genius was in full bloom in 1600. He put on his plays in the Globe theatre, a ring-shaped structure built in 1599 on the banks of the Thames from the remains of an earlier theatre. His plays of the 1599-1600 season were Julius Ceasar, 12th Night and As You Like It; in 1600-1 came Hamlet and Merry Wives of Windsor. It is quite likely that Gilbert attended at least some of those plays.
** "London Bridge" as reconstructed in Lake Havasu, Arizona, is a replica faced with stones taken from the rebuilt London Bridge. It thus preserves the appearance of that bridge; the heavy bulk of the actual bridge was torn down. (Thanks for the information, John Craven) |
Magnetism after Gilbert |
Early studies of magnetism were driven by a practical motive: ships navigating the ocean relied on the magnetic compass. Their captains had to know by how much "magnetic north" differed from "true north." Henry Gellibrand (soft "g") published in 1635 evidence that this difference slowly changed with time. That was an unsettling discovery. It meant that observations of the local compass bearing became inaccurate after some decades and therefore had to be repeated from time to time. And from a theoretical angle, how could the magnetic properties of the Earth undergo such gradual change? No known magnet behaved that way. Edmond Halley, of comet fame, came up in 1692 with an ingenious explanation. The interior of the Earth, he claimed, consisted of layers, spheres within spheres. Each sphere was independently magnetized, and each rotated slowly with respect to the others.
In 1724 George Graham found that the compass needle sometimes veered off by a small angle, for a day or so; a century later Alexander von Humboldt would name such events magnetic storms. That effect was widespread: Anders Celsius in Uppsala observed one at the same time as Graham in London, and a century later it was found to be world-wide. Celsius and his student Hiorter also observed magnetic disturbances linked to the "northern lights" (polar auroras); in our time, such events are associated with "magnetic substorms."
All that time, the only kind of magnetism known was the permanent magnetism of magnetized iron or of lodestones. The magnetic force due to the magnetic pole at the end of a magnet seemed a bit like gravity or the electric force, growing weaker in proportion to 1/r2, with r the distance from the pole. This "inverse square" relationship was confirmed in 1777 by Charles Coulomb in France, through experiments with a magnetic needle suspended on a twistable string--an instrument which Coulomb introduced, the prototype of most magnetic detectors in the following 170 years.
The main difference was that while gravity only attracted, magnetism could also repel. Jonathan Swift (1726) satirically proposed that such a repulsion could act as "anti-gravity," keeping an island floating in space, as told in the story of the 3rd voyage of "Gulliver's Travels."
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Oersted and Ampere link |
Before 1820, the only magnetism known was that of iron magnets and of lodestones. This was changed by a little-known professor of science at the University of Copenhagen, Denmark, Hans Christian Oersted.
In 1820 Oersted arranged in his home a science demonstration to friends and students. He planned to demonstrate the heating of a wire by an electric current, and also to carry out demonstrations of magnetism, for which he provided a compass needle mounted on a wooden stand. While performing his electric demonstration, Oersted noted to his surprise that every time the electric current was switched on, the compass needle moved. He kept quiet and finished the demonstrations, but in the months that followed worked hard trying to make sense out of the new phenomenon.
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Andre-Marie Ampere in France felt that if a current in a wire exerted a magnetic force on a compass needle, two such wires also should interact magnetically. In a series of ingenious experiments he showed that this interaction was simple and fundamental--parallel (straight) currents attract, anti-parallel currents repel, and the force is inversely proportional to the square of the distance between the wires. Here is how this can lead to the notion of magnetic poles. Bend the wires into circles with constant separation (figure below):
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Repeat Oersted's ExperimentYou will need:
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The Lodestone |
(That is the modern spelling, even if a translation of "De Magnete" spells it "loadstone") |
What if no lodestones existed? The Chinese would certainly not have invented the magnetic compass. Magnetism would have been discovered much later, and one wonders how. Lacking the compass, the great voyages of discovery could hardly have taken place--Columbus, De Gama, Magellan and the rest. The history of the world might have been quite different! Chemically and mineralogically, the lodestone is magnetite, a massive type of iron ore, an oxide of iron, a mineral related the the brown stuff coating the magnetic disks and tapes used by computers. Magnetite is quite common in nature, while lodestones are relatively rare. Why are a few rare pieces of it different from the rest?
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First, he showed, not all magnetite can become a lodestone: a certain composition and crystal structure are required. But even then, just resting a few million years in the Earth's magnetic field would produce no magnetization. For that, a strong magnetic field must be applied. The application may be very brief--as when a computer disk or video tape passes by the recording head--but the strength of the magnetic field must exceed a certain minimum.
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Dr. Wasilewski believes that is what happens when a chunk of the appropriate ore is struck by lightning. Lightning is a discharge of cloud electricity, a large electric current lasting just a fraction of a second, but during that time it produces a strong transient magnetic field. The idea was tested at a unique facility of the New Mexico Institute of Technology, the Langmuir laboratory. That lab, a center of lightning studies, was built on top of South Baldy Mountain near Soccorro, New Mexico, the location of frequent lightning strikes. By placing mineral samples where lightning would hit them, Dr. Wasilewski turned magnetite with appropriate crystalline structure into lodestones. William Gilbert had a clue to this process, but not surprisingly, he missed its significance. In "De Magnete" he cited the following passage from a book published in Italy:
In hindsight we would guess that the church tower had been hit by lightning, which magnetized the iron. Gilbert however attributed it to long-term exposure to the Earth's magnetism, "by the turning of its extremities towards the poles for so long a time."
Magnetization by Heat-WorkingGilbert also observed that iron could acquire magnetic properties as a result of being heat-worked by a blacksmith:
"Verticity" here means magnetization. The observation is quite accurate: above a certain temperature ("Curie point"), iron loses all its magnetism; then, when it is cooled back past that temperature, it "captures" the magnetism existing in its surroundings, due to the poles of the Earth. Its "verticity" is nowhere as strong as the one produced by a stroke of lighning. Still, as Gilbert observed, in a long iron rod that magnetism was channeled to the ends, where it could be noted. Magnetism "captured" by hot material that cools down in the presence of the Earth's magnetic influence has played an important role in the more recent discovery of plate tectonics, discussed in a later section of this web site. A similar cooling process may also be responsible for the patchy magnetization observed on the surfaces of Mars and the Moon.
Further ReadingThe home page of the Langmuir lab gives many more details about its lightning research, including brief statement about lodestones.
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Gauss and the Global Magnetic Field |
Public interest in science owes a great deal to Alexander Von Humboldt (1769--1859). As a young man Alexander explored the jungles of South America, but much of his life was spent in Paris, where he tirelessly drew the public's attention to the achievements of the natural sciences. Late in life he assembled his scientific knowledge into a monumental set of volumes titled " Kosmos."
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Up to that time, the compass needle--and the downward-pointing "dip needle" on a horizontal axis--measured well the direction of the magnetic force, but what about measuring its strength? Gauss devised a clever method for doing so, using an auxiliary magnet; today this is a popular undergraduate lab excercise.
He also knew a method used in celestial mechanics for analyzing gravity, and applied it to the description the Earth's region of magnetic forces, its "magnetic field." That method, too, is still in use: it represents the field as the sum of a dominant north-south "dipole" (2-pole, like a bar magnet) whose strength decreases with distance r like 1/r3, plus a "4-pole" decreasing like 1/r4, plus an 8-pole decreasing like 1/r5, and so forth. The field of an isolated "monopole" would presumable decrease like 1/r2, the way gravity does--but no such single pole was ever observed, they always come (at the very least) in pairs.
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The new tools for better observation and description of the Earth's magnetic field led to better, world-wide observations. Gauss and Weber organized a "Magnetic Union" for setting up observatories, and Humboldt enlisted Russia's Czar to create a chain of them across Siberia. The greatest help however came from the British empire, whose "Magnetic Crusade" led by Sir Edward Sabine set up stations from Canada to Tasmania (then known as "Van Diemen's Land"). The vast network not only made possible the first global models of the field, but also demonstrated the world-wide character of magnetic storms. One can compare today's magnetic models, some of them based on satellite observations, to the ones started by Gauss more than 150 years ago. One trend then stands out: the dominant "dipole" field is getting weaker, at about 5% per century (the rate might have increased since 1970). In the unlikely event that the trend continues unchanged, about 1500-2000 years from now the magnetic polarity of the Earth would reverse. The magnetic field of the Earth would not disappear, because other field components (4-pole, etc.) are meanwhile growing stronger, and as the late Ned Benton has shown, the total magnetic energy remains practically unchanged. But the dominant compass direction would reverse--and "fossil magnetism" of rocks suggests that this has indeed happened many times in geological history, most recently about 700,000 years ago.
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Author and curator: David P. Stern, audavstern@erols.com